Abstract

The impeachment process that led to the removal of the democratically elected President of Brazil, Dilma Rousseff, was built upon, above all, from the patriarchal, sexist and elitist mantle, an indelible mark of the public relation in the national political structure concealed by the discourse of national plurality. From the backstage of the political game to the public prosecution for impediment, the discourse of hatred against women came through votes and positions completely alien to the constitutional and  legal discussion about the practice of crimes against the financial order - fully mirrored positions in the reports of the committees authorized to examine the topic, as well as in the plenary votes in the Chamber of Deputies and in the Federal Senate. It is possible to affirm that the constitutional foundations were overthrown not in the name of the defense of Brazilian institutional democracy, for it was actually taken away by the recurring fascist epithets of God, family, and property.

However, it would be naïve for any analyst to assume that the desire to overthrow the President only concerns gender-based violence, since it has a complex base, embedded in motives ranging from the exhaustion of the consensus-based model of "lulopetism" through the search for political-juridical immunity of the public agents for the institutionalized corruption practices, to the rejection of measures to reduce social inequality, albeit with limited effects.

Nonetheless, ignoring the gender violence involved in the President's role in this context would be equally innocent. As posited, what was postulated throughout the process of overthrowing the first woman elected to the highest office of the nation was not merely the fall of the "querida" (pejorative slogan sung to nausea by the coup defenders) Dilma Rousseff, but the new rearrangement of the forces that repeatedly engender in Brazil when they are threatened to lose the protagonism in the state action. And therefore, to certain moral values and to certain profound norms to guide Brazilian sociabilities. It is in this broader scenario that the proposal of analysis on gender research is imposed, in short, to disentangle the misogyny involved in the Brazilian political process that once again condensed the patriarchal power.

Recommended Readings:

Tiburi, Marcia (2016), «A máquina misógina e o fator Dilma Rousseff na política brasileira», Revista CULT. (http://revistacult.uol.com.br/home/2016/07/a-maquina-misogina-e-o-fator-dilma-rousseff-na-politica-brasileira/)

Bio notes

Fernanda Martins é Professora na Universidade do Vale do Itajaí (UNIVALI) e Professora substituta na Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina (UFSC). Mestre em Direito pela Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina (área de Teoria, Filosofia e História do Direito). Bacharela e Licenciada em História pela Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina e Bacharela em Direito pela Universidade do Vale do Itajaí. Integrante do Projeto de Pesquisa Bases para uma Criminologia do controle penal no Brasil: em busca da brasilidade criminológica - CNPq e do Projeto de Extensão Universidade Sem Muros - UFSC. Advogada criminalista.

Augusto Jobim do Amaral é Professor do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Criminais (mestrado/doutorado) da Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul (PUCRS); Doutor em Altos Estudos Contemporâneos (História das ideias, Ciência Política e Estudos Internacionais Comparativos) pela Universidade de Coimbra; Doutor, Mestre e Especialista em Ciências Criminais pela PUCRS.