This report is divided into two parts. The first part provides a brief background on the country, and the second part provides a brief a brief summary of the issues related to intellectual production in the social sciences.

South Africa’s history has been characterized by deep divisions, conflict and high levels of inequalities among its citizens. This part of the report highlights only some of the issues pertaining to the country’s historical, sociological, political and cultural context.

In the past many scholars of South Africa’s history tended to use the beginning of colonial rule as the beginning of the country’s history. Thus for them, the history of South Africa began with the arrival of the Dutch in 1652. Although colonial rule marked a new phase in this history, pre-colonial South Africa was occupied by several communities which today form part of the rich tapestry of groups which today make up the country’s population. Under colonialism these groups were absorbed into one geographical and political entity which today is home to 40 million people. The key moments in this history are best illustrated by sketching a brief chronology of the country’s history:

Before 1652: Different communities occupied different parts of the region ( the San, Khoikhoi, the Nguni, Sotho-Tswana, Tsonga and Venda groups).

1652 - 1800: The Dutch set up a station in what later became Cape Town. During this period the Khoi-San group were dispossessed of their land, and many of them died of starvation and epidemics. In this period farming expanded and the Dutch settlers also imported slaves from the East and other parts of Africa.

1802 - 1910: During this period the British took over the Cape and the Dutch and other settlers moved further inland. Later the Dutch settlers or ‘Boers’ established their own republics. It was during this time that Africans were dispossessed of most of their land.

Farming was the mainstay of the settler economy. Due to labour shortages Indian labourers were indentured to work on these farms. Towards the end of the century minerals were discovered (diamonds in 1867 and gold in 1886) and the economy expanded phenomenally. African peasants were forced to work as migrants in the mining industry. For a few years in the early in the twentieth century Chinese labourers were also brought in as indentured labourers.

At the end of the 19^th century the British took over the Boer republics and in 1910 the four colonial entities (Cape Colony, Natal, Orange Free State and the Transvaal) were brought together as the Union of South Africa. Black South Africans were excluded from the political life of the new Union.

1910 - 1948: In 1910 the African National Congress was established as the first national organization to fight for the political inclusion of black South Africans. In the 1920s unions for black workers were also established.

In 1948 the National Party, an extreme right Afrikaner party won the elections and started to implement its apartheid policies. Apartheid was a wide-ranging grand plan which sought to separate black and white races and to ensure the hegemony of the Afrikaner group

1948 - 1994: In this period the National Party consolidated Afrikaner rule and dealt with African opposition through bannings, imprisonment, killings and the creation of puppet regimes in Bantustans (small areas designated for Africans only).

In this period the structure of the economy changed, particularly in the 1960s when manufacturing become one of the key sectors of the economy. In the 1970s this created the conditions for worker militancy and union organization. In the 1970s the youth and students also mobilized militant opposition to apartheid. The 1980s saw unprecedented levels of militant mobilization across all sections of the oppressed sections of society.

Finally, in 1990 the regime released political prisoners, unbanned political organizations and allowed exiles to come home. It also started negotiations with the opposition, principally the African National Congress. These negotiations culminated in the adoption of an interim constitution and the holding of the first democratic elections in April 1994.

1994 - 1999: The ANC won nearly two thirds (63%) of the 1994 elections and Nelson Mandela became the first democratically elected president of South Africa. The other parties which won some support were:

• The National Party = 20.5%
• The Inkatha Freedom Party = 10.8%
• The Freedom Front = 2.3%
• The Democratic party = 1.7%
• The Pan-Africanist Congress = 1.2%
• African Christian Democratic Party = 0.5%

The second election was held on the 2^nd June 1999 and indications were that the ANC. is going to win by a large majority.

ii) Economy and Society:

1. South Africa’s economy has traditionally been dependent on agriculture and mining. However, the manufacturing sector also emerged early this century as a significant sector until the 1960s when it became the largest sector.

2. This economy developed and expanded under extreme protection as a result of the import substitution strategy followed by successive governments. One of the positive spinoffs of this strategy was the massive expansion of infrastructures such as railways, roads, electricity, water and telecommunications.

3. The economy is a capitalist economy whose development was bolstered by colonial conquest and domination. Thus, one of its key features has been the wholesale exclusion of black people from economic power. This exclusion has its roots in colonial conquest and land dispossession, slavery, forced labour (Simons and Simons, 1983). Until recently, black people have featured in the economy as labourers rather than owners of the means of production or managerial functionaries.

4. Colonial domination and racial segregation have thus led to a racialised class structure and forms of inequality. Thus, today the majority of the working class is black and only a minuscule proportion of the middle class and the property owning classed are black. As a result all forms of inequality in South Africa today are simultaneously about race - inequalities about incomes and wealth, housing, education, unemployment, etc.

5. Information on demographic and other socio-economic indicators (tables and graphics) [in Excel format]:

1. Percentage of the population in South Africa by population group - October 1996
2. Number of people in each province by population group - October 1996
3. Population of South Africa by province and gender
4. Urban and non-urban population by province
5. Language by province (percentages)

6. Income of the employed (rands) - October 1996
7. Dwellings in which households live by province - October 1996

8. Percentage of the population aged 20 years or more by higher level of education completed - October 1996
9. Percentage of population aged 20 years or more in each educational category by population group - October 1996
10. Education by gender and population group amongst those aged 20 years or more by province (numbers)
11. Level of education amongst those aged 20 years or more by province

6. On the one hand South Africa is a united society whose people of all races share a common cultural heritage, citizenship and one future. On the other hand, however, South Africa remains a deeply divided society whose citizens live in two distinct social and cultural worlds. The one world defines itself as ‘Western’ and participates in the cultural heritage of Europe, particularly England and models its cultural, educational, political and other institutions on European and American ones. To those in this world Africa represents chaos, mediocrity, ignorance and starvation. Many of those in this world see themselves as the custodians of civilized standards and insist that participation in the cultural and political life of the country should be on their terms.

The other world, shares a common identity with the rest of the African continent. This is the world inhabited by the majority of South Africans, almost all of whom are black and have been on the receiving end of colonial and apartheid domination. In class terms they are by no means homogeneous but they have a common cultural identity.

7. Over the last two decades a vibrant civil society emerged in South Africa, particularly the following: trade unions, women’s organisations, youth and student organisations and civic organisations. However, there are now visible signs of decline and demobilization in many of the organizations in civil society.

South Africa is a society in transition. Globalization and the democratic transition have unleashed accelerated processes which are set to result in unprecedented changes in all facets of the society’s life. Some of these changes have brought opportunities to certain sections of society (the ‘winners’). For example, opportunities for upward mobility are now available to some in the black community. On the other hand, millions are facing an uncertain future as the economy continues to shed jobs and fewer and fewer school leavers can get into employment (the ‘losers’).

For the economy in general, and the labour market specifically, the key challenge is to find a balance between Efficiency (for global competition), Employment and Equity (rights for the previously disadvantaged).

In general, scholarly production in South Africa takes place against a background defined by the history sketched out above. Although intellectual production goes back several centuries, it is important to note that it has always, and still, bears the imprint of race. Commenting on this racial division of labour in intellectual production, one observer noted that,

The most glaring aspect of social research in South Africa is the non-presence of the Black. In the last three centuries, starting with the first European commander at the Cape, Jan van Riebeeck, who was instructed to keep a journal of daily events, there has accumulated in the country’s libraries and resource centres a great volume of empirical records contributed by missionaries, travellers, administrators and their wives. To these have been added the many works of modern social scientists. Missing from this vast tapestry of recorded knowledge are the impressions and interpretations of Black South Africans (Anonymous, 1977: 129).

In part, his can be explained in terms of historical factors namely, white paternalism and trusteeship colonialism, processes of social closure within a colonial and apartheid context and the impact of social inequality on higher education (Buhlungu and Metcalfe, 1999). In addition, the transition has brought with it a need for skilled personnel from the previously deprived sections of society and many African intellectuals have been recruited to work in other fields such as the civil service and even the private sector.

Universities remain the main centres of scholarly production in South Africa. Individual scholars in academic departments are expected, as part of their duties, to combine teaching and research and these two remain the key considerations for obtaining tenure, promotion and recognition. At the moment there are 21 Universities but intellectual scholarship is confined to a few of these, specifically the English-speaking institutions. In terms of these institutions, there is a hierarchy which places English institutions at the top, Afrikaans universities in the middle and Black institutions at the bottom. These gradations also exist within these categories. For example, among the English institutions, the Universities of the Witwatersrand and Cape Town are seen as the top institutions while Natal and Rhodes University are not as prestigious.

This characterization may obscure real variations and unevenness in terms of disciplines. For example, the law faculty at the University of Natal is rated as one of the best in the country. But in terms of the social sciences, there is no doubt that Wits and Cape Town are in the top league. For example, Wits has the biggest (over 25 staff members) and the most highly regarded Sociology department in the country.

There are several social science research institutes in South Africa. Some of these such as the Sociology of Work Unit (SWOP), the South African Labour and Development Research Unit (SALDRU) are located in universities while others such as the Centre for Policy Studies (CPS) and the Central Agengy for Social Enquiry (CASE) operate outside the universities. Another model is the one where an institute is established to provide back-up to a civil society organization. The National Labour, Economic and Development Institute (NALEDI) which is sponsored by the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) is an example of such institutes.

In addition to the intellectuals operating from universities and research institutes, there have always been some intellectuals operating outside formal institutions. Many of them are in political organisations and other civil society organizations such as trade unions, but their contribution to scholarly knowledge has always been limited.

Research funding is always a critical pre-condition for intellectual production. At present the main source of funding for the social sciences is the Centre for Science Development (CSD), a division of the state-funded Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC). However, there are several other national and international sources which scholars can access, such as the Friederich Ebert Stichtung (FES). In addition, many research bodies have found that they have to supplement their funding income by charging for commissioned research or by engaging in consultancy work. However, the terms of such work, particularly of consultancy research, are not always conducive to rigorous scholarly work.

In the social sciences research training is provided by academic departments in Universities. However, some of the research institutes also provide training at various levels of sophistication. In addition, many of these institutes have been able to access national and international funding to run research internship programmes, particularly for young black researchers.

Scholarly production, particularly in the social sciences, often occurs within particular paradigms, explanatory frameworks within broad political tradtions. For example, up until the late 1960s and the early 1970s the main paradigm which shaped intellectual production was structural functionalism which fitted in with conservative and liberal politics. Of course, there had always been a tradition of Marxist thinking in South Africa associated with the politics of the South African Communist Party. But in intellectual production this tradition was marginal. Then from the early 1970s a younger generation of intellectuals who came under the influence of New Left thinking in Europe became critical of structural functionalism and gravitated towards neo-Marxism (Webster (1998). This new paradigm spawned a large body of scholarly works which played a very important role in redefining the landscape of intellectual production in South Africa.

But since the end of the 1980s the Marxist paradigm has been thrown into crisis. The political and global transitions have also created a new context for intellectual production. Today scholarly production in South Africa is grappling with the implications of the democratic transition and the accelerated processes of globalization, and a new paradigm still has to emerge from these efforts.

• Anonymous (1977) "Social Research and the Black Academic in South Africa", in Rex, J. (1977) Apartheid and Social Research, New York: UNESCO Press.
• Buhlungu, S. and Metcalfe, A. (1999) "Breaking the Racial Division of Labour in Knowledge Production: Reflections on Internship Programmes", unpublished paper.
• Simons, J. and Simons, R. (1983) Class and Colour in South Africa, 1850-1950, London: IDAF.
• Statistics South Africa (1998) Population Census, 1996: Census in brief, Report No.1: 03-01-11 (1996), Pretoria: Statistics South Africa.
• Statistics South Africa (1997) RSA Statistics in brief, Pretoria: Central Statistics.
• Webster, E. (1998) "The Sociology of Transformation and the Transformation of Sociology", in Social Dynamics, 24, 2, 1998.